Sergey Kadinsky
Written Works
The Rise of Segolene Royal
This essay, the first of the series includes the political theory writings of Max Weber as a frame in describing Royal's style of leadership in relation to her personal and professional experience. This essay is an introduction into the essay series on the presidential candidacy of Seogolene Royal.
A Description of
Segolene Royal
Since the foundation of the Fifth Republic in 1958 in France, there has been only one president from the Socialist party, François Mitterrand, whose administration lasted between 1981 and 1995. Within the Socialist Party, a line of succession appeared among the older members, known as the “elephants” of the party, (Thornhill) making Segolene Royal’s presidential primary victory a surprise, and further boosting her status among French voters.
In the past decade, the Socialist party struggled to unite, suffering an embarrassing third-place defeat in the 2002 elections. With right-wing candidate Jean-Marie Le Pen winning second place, Segolene Royal been campaigning to restore the voters’ confidence through grassroots rural politics. Royal describes the countryside as her “political laboratory,” promising to “listen to the people” by protecting the environment, loosening the 35-hour workweek regulations, and protecting welfare programs. (Chrisafis) At a glance, it would appear that within Max Weber’s categories of political leadership, Royal would be a charismatic leader, with characteristics such as her exemplary character, repudiation of the past, and ability to have the public relate to her. (Weber, 242) To define Royal by only one of Weber’s categories would be an exaggeration of her image and an incomplete portrayal, based on her personal background and political career.
Unlike the United States, in France, the bureaucracy is respected, and many French leaders are a product of the “grand ecole.” (Chrisafis) In contrast to her former classmates, Royal has been able to break with the stereotypical aloofness of leadership and reach out to voters as a fresh face of optimism. Her rise to power and surprise victory has been attributed to her rebellious upbringing. “Our childhood lives with us all our lives,” Royal once remarked in an interview, responding to a story about her upbringing.
Raised in the Alsace region, Royal is a daughter of an artillery officer who raised his children in a strict disciplinarian environment, where her five brothers had their heads shaved as punishment for misbehavior. The three daughters were expected to be obedient to their future husbands. (Thornhill) Defying her father’s wishes, Royal was accepted to the prestigious Sciences Po University in Paris. In contrast to her urban left-wing classmates, Royal appeared provincial, which may explain her ability to relate to rural voters in promoting the socialist message.
At age 19, Royal’s parents divorced, and she took up herm other’s cause in launching a lawsuit against her father for maintenance. In her 1996 book Truth of a Woman, Royal describes the history of women as one of “suffering, heartbreak, pain, humiliation, and murder.” She sounds a positive note on this background by pointing out, “This is why one can have the oldness to believe that women (if they accede to power) can help ensure this brutality recedes.” (Ibid)
It was in the “grande ecole” that Royal met her lover, François Hollande, and they have both dramatically risen within the party. Today, Hollande is the secretary of the Socialist Party. Royal’s political achievements include the positions of junior minister in the Environment, Education, and Families Affairs ministries. Her education and close ties to the party leadership suggest that Royal’s rise falls within the framework of traditional legal authority, the tradition being the elite educational background that is common among most French political figures. Reaching out to the public, Royal often appeared on daytime talk shows, where she spoke on various environmental and family-related causes. Among the causes included were paternity leave and a crackdown on child pornography. (Associated Press) As the first serving minister to give birth, Royal attracted plenty of media attention, raising her public profile. (Thornhill)
At the time, France was undergoing a period of economic stagnation, unemployment, and civil unrest among minority groups. (Associated Press) Her party was divided and unable to emerge with a successful campaign in the 2002 elections. The possibility of Royal’s presidential candidacy emerged in 2004 when she was elected president of the Poitou-Charentes Region. Taking her grassroots policies into effect, Royal’s administration paid for driving lessons for apprentices, and subsidized the purchase of solar panels for local businesses.
To win the support of the farmers, Royal stood against the European Union in opposing mandatory pasteurization of cheese. She made an appearance in the garden of the Elysee Palace wearing a blue farmers’ outfit, complete with a bonnet and cheese basket, in a stunt that drew ridicule from fellow party members but impressed local farmers and mesmerized photographers. (Simons) Royal uses these populist gestures not only to rise above her rivals in the polls, but also as a charismatic trait of appearing as the hero. (Weber, 243)
Not all aspects of Royal’s political rise have been effortless. As the partner of a senior party official, it was often thought that Hollande would succeed Jacques Chirac president (provided that the Socialists win). In addition, the ambitions of “elephants” such as former Prime Minister Laurent Fabius, former Minister of Defense Dominique Strauss-Kahn, former Minister of Culture Jack Lange, and 2002 presidential candidate Lionel Jospin, would continue to divide the party ahead of the November 2006 primaries. (Simons) At the time, First Lady Bernadette Chiraq claimed “She could be a serious candidate, and she could even win,” adding that her “little Socialist comrades won’t make it easy for her, but it’s time for women to come into their own.” In her surprise primary victory, Royal emerged far ahead of her rivals, receiving their admiration and respect as a result.
One huge weakness for Royal is foreign policy matters. During her travels to the Middle East, Royal was treated as a state leader, separately meeting with the prime ministers of Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, and the Palestinian Authority. In a meeting with Lebanese parliament member Ali Amar of Hezbollah, she criticized him for describing Israel as the “Zionist entity” rather than by its proper name. At the same time, she failed to criticize his description of Israeli policies as “Nazism.” She also expressed support for Amar’s views towards the United States. Her leading opponent in the April 2007 elections, Minister of the Interior and center-right UMP candidate Nicolas Sarkozy pounced on the gaffe by claiming that the Middle East is no place for a “political lightweight,” in the words of Sarkozy ally François Fillon. “To allow the allies and friends of France, whether the US or Israel to be insulted without reacting is a serious mistake. (Litchfield)
In Canada, Royal’s outspoken support for the independence movement in the largely French-speaking Quebec province has also brought criticism. Prime Minister Stephen Harper of the Conservative Party sharply noted, “It is highly inappropriate for a foreign leader to interfere in the democratic affairs of another country.” Within Canada’s Liberal party, Stephane Dion agreed, “We do not interfere in the affairs of a friendly country. We do not wish for the dismantling of a friendly country.” (Agence France-Presse)
Suffering stinging rebukes for her foreign policy gaffes, it appears that the French voters may prefer to stick with the traditional leadership of Sarkozy over the charismatic leadership of Royal. As a charismatic leader, Royal’s use of plebiscite to overcome a severe loss of prestige was done in a similar by Napoleon III almost a century and a half earlier. (Weber, 267) In Royal’s case, the plebiscite is done through her online “Desires for the Future” campaign, where readers can submit their ideas and post comments on various political issues. Responding to the campaign, right-wing commentator Nicolas Beverez issues a double-edged remark, “The core of her candidacy is her personality. It’s all a question of marketing and image.”
Without a sizable background in foreign affairs, are a winning smile and populist approach enough to win? Sociologist Dominique Meda notes, “Traditionally in France you have had technocrats, who devised their own solutions. We are considering new approaches.” Among these approaches is “liberty within equality,” combining a right and left issue into a synthesis of values. Another positive review comes from a veteran of both the Mitterrand administration and the advertising industry Jacques Segula. “Segolene’s strength is that she’s a woman of the left who embodies the values of the right. The French people want softness in form, but rigor in practice.” (Thornhill) Thus, Royal cannot be entirely charismatic as envisioned by Weber, due to her bureaucratic background, which means that her political skills were acquired as a result of formal training. (Weber, 221)
With widespread disillusionment with traditional government policies, does Royal stand a chance of victory? Like Weber, many French voters look at the candidate’s characteristics as a factor in their decision. In the Poitou-Charentes Region one of her constituents, retiree Chavier Serge, feels inspired by her rebellion against her strict father, while adopting some of his traits. “Her detractors on the left whisper that she’s an authoritarian at heart, but that’s not such a bad thing,” Serge Claims. (Chrisafis) “This country needs change and we need someone strong to do it.”
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